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Suav Yuav Kav Thoob Ntiajteb

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When China Rules the World

China The civilisation state

By Martin Jacques

Reviewed by John Gray - 18 June 2009

It is clear that the rise of China marks the end of western global hegemony, but just what the coming Chinese ascendency will look like is another matter.

On his first visit to China as US treasury secretary, at the start of this month, Timothy Geithner attempted to reassure an audience at Peking University that there is no need to worry about the enormous holdings China has built up in US government bonds. “Chinese assets are very safe,” he declared. Geithner’s statement produced loud laughter from the largely student audience.

Unlike most western commentators, who still give the Obama administration the benefit of the doubt, China’s emerging elite know there is no prospect that the United States will pay back its debts at anything like their current value. The only way the US can repay its vast borrowings is by debasing the dollar – a process in which China will inevitably be short-changed. Significantly, the students’ response was not anger, but derision – a clear sign of how the US is now perceived. Resentment at US power is being replaced by contempt, as the impotence and self-deception of the American political class in the face of the country’s problems become increasingly evident.

In a characteristically incisive formulation, Martin Jacques writes that the “rise of China and the decline of the United States are central to the present global depression”. Although China remains a fast-emerging, rather than a developed, economy and even though it is nowhere near acquiring America’s worldwide military reach, the crisis has speeded up a shift in the balance of power between the two countries that has been taking place for decades. The importance of China’s advance goes far beyond the incontrovertible fact of America’s relative decline, however. If Jacques is right, the rise of China will bring the end of the western world as we have known it over the past several hundred years.

Western commentators on China fall into two main camps. The first, which we may called the China sceptics, rejects out of hand the notion that China can ever become the world’s dominant power. The second – which is increasingly vocal and influential, especially in the US – sees the rise of China as a major threat to the existing, western-dominated global system. Though the two views are not finally compatible, they can quite often be found in the same person. The awkward fact with which both of them strugg[quote]le is that China’s industrialisation – the largest in history – has been achieved indigenously. China’s success is widely praised by western governments, but it has been based on a rejection of western advice.

Like climate-change sceptics, China sceptics tend simply to ignore evidence that does not fit their world-view. Even if they accept that China’s success over the past 30 years has been achieved by following a distinctive path, they can only insist that China will be compelled to westernise at some point in the future – overlooking how it is western neoliberalism, and not Chinese capitalism, that has collapsed. Or else, they must admit that China can go on developing, and even overtake the west, while remaining as different from the west as it has ever been. This last is a terrifying scenario, as it implies that if a country westernises, that does not ensure its economic success – if anything, it may be an impediment. In other words, China may be so successful because it is so different from the west. At this point, the first view of China morphs into the second and we start to hear hysterical warnings of the threat posed by China’s inexorable rise. Inside every China sceptic is a prophet of the New Yellow Peril waiting to be let out.

The common conviction of nearly all these commentators is that no country can modernise without following a western path. The message of When China Rules the World – by far the best book on China to have been published in many years, and one of the most important inquiries into the nature of modernisation – is that this assumption blinds us to the way the world is being reshaped before our eyes. Jacques’s comprehensive and richly detailed analysis will be an indispensable resource for anyone who wants to understand contemporary China; but its primary value is in overturning the assumption – almost universal in the west, and held by some in China – that, as a country develops, it is bound to evolve into something like a western state. As Jacques points out, China “may seem like a nation state, but its geological formation is that of a civilisation state”. When China was weak it had little alternative but to accept western terms of reference. As it grows richer and stronger, China is more and more affirming the inherent value, if not the actual superiority, of its ancient civilisation. Far from turning its back on its history, the country is returning to the past in order to forge a new version of modernity.

“The emergence of China as a global power,” Jacques writes, “in effect relativises everything.” The author is not endorsing any kind of fashionable postmodernism here. He is clear that there are universal human values. His argument is rather that there are many ways of recognising universal values in a modern society. All the same, the version of modernity which appears to be emerging in China does come with some rather dark spots. The deep sense of China as a unitary civilisation, together with a pervasive belief in Han superiority, leaves little tolerance for the claims of other cultural groups.

Some way may be found, the author sugg[quote]ests, whereby the Tibetans can coexist with the Chinese state. But, as he admits, the dominant sense of Chinese identity is essentially racial, and most Chinese look down on Tibetans with loathing. In line with this, and also for strategic reasons, “China has encouraged large-scale Han migration in an effort to alter the ethnic balance of the population and thereby weaken the position of the Tibetans who for the most part live in the rural areas and in segregated urban ghettos.” It is hard to avoid the conclusion that, in building the Chinese civilisation state, Beijing is systematically destroying a unique civilisation.

A resurgent China will be problematical in a number of ways. It remains very unclear how China’s rulers view the international system. Will they try to reshape it in their own image, and if so what will the world then look like? Jacques argues that something like the tributary system that existed in the past can be re-created, but that system applied mainly to China’s nearer and smaller neighbours. It is impossible to envisage such an unequal relationship being acceptable to India or Russia or, for that matter, Japan. Again, can China extend its control of world markets while retaining its grip on its own economy? Control of capital flows has been one of China’s strengths in the current crisis. Will it be ready to compromise this advantage in order to supplant the failing dollar as the world’s reserve currency?

There are no clear answers, if only because China’s ruling elite have almost certainly not begun to answer these questions themselves. What is undeniable is that China’s ascendancy is bringing with it an international environment potentially more volatile than any in the recent past. So far, says Jacques, “The changes wrought by China’s rise have done little to disturb the calm of global waters, yet their speed and enormity sugg[quote]est that we have entered an era of profound instability; by way of contrast, the Cold War was characterised by relative predictability combined with exceptional stability.”

The witless, end-of-history triumphalism that shaped western attitudes in the post-Cold War era is nowhere more misplaced than in regard to China. History is on the move again – and it is not the delusional, teleological, self-congratulating history dreamt up by liberal rationalists, which somehow always ends with themselves as the winners. The rise of China is the real thing, a world-changing event that marks the end of western hegemony.

John Gray’s latest book is “Gray’s Anatomy: Selected Writings” (Allen Lane)

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Pom tau hais tias Suav txoj kev xav ua tus loj tshaj. Suav tau txeeb ob koog povtxwv

Sapratly thiab Paracel island. Hias tias yog Suav li tug.

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China Influent in Laos

The 1960s Recessions "are now generally considered fundamentally preventable, like airplane crashes and hurricanes."

Arthur Okun

A Setting for the Keynesian Experiment

The BIG story in the 1940s and 1950s was war - WWII in the 1940s and the Cold War in the 1950s. It wasn't until the 1960s that macroeconomics was again big news, which is why the course "skips" two decades and we pick up the story again in the 1960s. The Great Depression and WWII had "pulled" political leaders away from their comfort zone regarding the size and scope of government activity, and after a little backtracking in the 1950s, new leaders, led by "action intellectuals," pushed for a much more active role for government in the 1960s. This was to be the decade where the anti-depression policies of the 30s morphed into anti-recession policies of the 1960s. First, however, we will fill in some background and look briefly at the 1940s and 1950s where the stage was set for the 60s. We'll see the continuation of many of the earlier trends - industrialization, urbanization, globalization, regionalization, driven by demographic and technological change and public policies - and a reversal of a few including inequality, indebtedness, and concentration. We'll also see a new "force" that will prove to have a defining effect on the 1960s - militarization driven by the Cold War, but first a little history.

World War II

The 1940s opened with the US going to extreme lengths to avoid conflict in Europe and Asia as it reverted to its isolationist roots. The Neutrality Act of 1935 precluded any shipments of armaments to warring nations, while the Neutrality Act of 1937 specified all sale[quote]s to belligerents must be on a cash basis, and in 1939 arms sale[quote]s were permitted only if they were not transported on American ships. With the US firmly on the sidelines, Japan embarked on its Asian land grab in 1931 when it seized Manchuria, and by 1937 it was invading China, a country in the midst of a bitter civil war. In Europe, Hitler had successfully taken Germany out of its depression by building an impressive military machine, and the West was not ready to stand in his way. In late 1938 Hitler was given a piece of Czechoslovakia, the Sudetenland, on the promise this was his last land grab. By the summer of 1939, Franco's fascists, with the support of Germany and Italy, won the Spanish Civil War and Hitler had taken all of Czechoslovakia, and after signing a Treaty of Friendship and Alliance with Russia in August, Germany attacked Poland on September 1st. Within days Great Britain and France declared war against Germany.

Anticipating a wartime boom reminiscent of WW I, and a revision of the Neutrality Act allowing the US to supply materials to the warring parties, the US economy and stock market soared in mid 1939. The speed of Germany's victory over Poland, followed by a lull in the action prompted a slowdown, but it was only temporary as Germany moved against Denmark and Norway in April, and Holland, Belgium, and France in May. By the end of June, France had signed an armistice with Germany, while the US remained on the sidelines cranking-up wartime production to arm the Allies and themselves, which gave a direct boost to the economy through the surge in aggregate demand that produced the Keynesian multiplier effect.

It also produced a massive inflow of gold from the financing of Great Britain's military purchases, and by late 1940 Great Britain could no longer afford to pay its bills and it was running out of transport ships. Roosevelt managed to get around this with his Lend-Lease Act in March 1941 when he offered to lend Great Britain the war materials. This action transformed the gold inflows into budget deficits as the US government financed the continued military "lending" to Great Britain. The US economy continued to soar and by mid year the unemployment rate was nearing single digit rates and the automobile industry was finishing its biggest year ever. Anticipating further mobilization, the government ordered a 50% reduction in auto production for the following year, but this became a non-issue by the end of the year as the US entered the war.

There was no question about the magnitude of the demand surge accompanying the mobilization. Between 1940 and 1945 defense spending increased from $1.6 billion to $83 billion, an increase partly funded by increases in income taxes. In addition to raising personal income tax rates, in 1943 Congress instituted withholding of taxes so individuals would have taxes taken out of every pay check rather than one payment in March for the entire year. By the time the war was over the income tax rates ranged from 23 to 94%, and excess corporate profits were taxed at rates up to 90%. Profiteering from the war was to be limited by these confiscatory taxes.

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SamX

Raws li cov INFORMATION koj coj tuaj tso tawm ntawm nov hais txog Suav txoj kev yuav sawv los kav lub ntiaj teb nov...AT LEAST ECONOMICALLY...ntawd mas kuv xav tias peb tsis tau paub qhov tseeb xwb tias dab tsi yog dab tsi...

Raws kuv paub thiab pom peb cov neeg ASIA cov laj lim tswv yim ces YEEJ MUAB QHOV ZOO, TAU NTSEJ, TAU MUAG LOS TSO TOM HAUV NTEV ES NPOG QHOV PHEM THIAB QIAS NEEG, ZAIS CIA TSIS PUB LUAG PAUB THIAB POM...

Lub neej zoo li nov xwb yeej TSIS KAV NTEV kiag li...Vim yog thaum kawg YAM PHEM THIAB QIA NEEG NTAWD YEEJ YUAV TSHW TAWM TAU TUAJ RAU SAWV DAWS PAUB THIAB POM XWB THIAJ TAS...

Tej zaum hais txog...SUAV CONTROL SAB ECONOMY RAU COV TEB CHAWS ME ME SAB ASIA MAS KUJ YUAV MUAJ...Tab sis yog thaum SUAV yuav los CONTROL SAB MILITARY lawm no yuav muaj teeb meem...VIM SUAV YOG IB HAIV NEEG IB TXWM UA PHEM RAU LWM HAIV NEEG TXHUA LUB TEB CHAWS NYOB ZE NWS TOG VAJ TOG TSEV TXHEEJ DHAU TXHEEJ TIAM DHAU TIAM LOS LAWM...

Yog thaum SUAV tuaj muab cov teb chaws me me sab ASIA KHOO MILITARILY lawm yuav ua rau sab teb chaws ASIA TSIS STABLE...Thaum kawg yuav muaj TSOV RO.G tshwm sim rau sab ASIA ces yeej yuav muaj cov SUPER POWERS nyob sab WESTERN no los INTERFERE...Tej zaum yeej yuav muaj 3rd WW vim lawv yeej yuav muab SUAV txo DAG ZOG kom SUAV qhob SUPER POWER ntawd ploj mus...

Tej teeb meem zoo li nov mas peb twb pom tshwm sim nyob rau WW II uas cov WESTERN POWERS ua rau GERMANY, SPAIN, ITALY, thiab JAPAN lawm...

Vim yog thaum SUAV tuaj kav cov teb chaws me me sab Asia ces SUAV yeej yuav ABUSE sawv daws zoo li SUAV COV CIAV QHEV XWB...Thaum zoo li nov lawm sawv daws yeej yuav tawm tsam SUAV txawm SUAV yuav muaj FWJ CHIM SAB MILITARY NOV LOJ NPAUM TWG LOS YOG THAUM COV WESTERN SUPER POWERS LOS KOOM TES NROG COV TEB CHAWS ME ME SAB ASIA LAWM CES THAUM KAWG SUAV YEEJ YUAV RAU DEFEATED LI LAWM THIAB XWB...

Keeb kwm yeej qhia los lawm tias TSEEJ TIB LUB TEB CHAWS TWG YUAV MUAJ ZOG NPAUM TWG LOS XIJ PEEM THAUM KAWG YEEJ SWB RAU COV TEB CHAWS COOB UAS SIB KOOM TES NKAUS XWB...

Thxais tau yooj yim ntxiv hais tias...PHEM YEEJ SWB ZOO... li nov xwb...

Muaj ib qho ntxiv mas TOG WESTERN SUPER POWERS nov yeej xav kom muaj ib qhov EXCUSE LOJ kom txaus lawv PIB 3rd WW vim lawv yeej muaj PLAN YUAV REDUCE WORLD POPULATION lawm...Yog muaj 3rd WW tshwm sim es SUAV yog tus PIB ces SUAV COV POPULATION YUAV RAUG REDUCED MUS KOM TSAWG LI YUAV TSAWG TAU...

Yog muaj 3rd WW tshwm sim es yog sib zam tsi dhau ces NUCLEAR BOMBS yeej yuav tau muab SIV tawm mus xwb...Yog thaum zoo li nov lawm leej twg muaj pej xeem coob tshaj plaws thiab muaj nroog loj tshaj plaws ces yeej yuav raug HLAWV POV TSEG mus li lawm...Txhua lub teb chaws ua muaj NUKE BOMBS ces yeej raug kev piam sij tab sis SUAV yuav raug PIAM SIJ los tshaj txhua lub teb chaws...Thaum kawg SUAV yuav rov RAUG COV WESTERN SUPER POWERS NOV MUAB CONTROL TSIS PUB SUAV ROV MUAJ DUA FWJ CHIM LOJ TAU IB ZAUG NTXIV XWS NKAUS LIS...GERMANY and JAPAN...

Kuv tsuas tuaj tawm tswv yim ua chaw sib tham li nov xwb...

Cia peb mam ho ntsia mus ntxiv...LUB NTIAJ TEB NOV YEEJ TSIS MUAJ DAB TSIS YOG QHOV TSEEB LI...VIM TAG KIS YUAV MUAJ DAB TSI TSHWM SIM PEB TWB TSIS PAUB LI...!!!

Sib ntsib dua,

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SamX

Raws li cov INFORMATION koj coj tuaj tso tawm ntawm nov hais txog Suav txoj kev yuav sawv los kav lub ntiaj teb nov...AT LEAST ECONOMICALLY...ntawd mas kuv xav tias peb tsis tau paub qhov tseeb xwb tias dab tsi yog dab tsi...

Raws kuv paub thiab pom peb cov neeg ASIA cov laj lim tswv yim ces YEEJ MUAB QHOV ZOO, TAU NTSEJ, TAU MUAG LOS TSO TOM HAUV NTEV ES NPOG QHOV PHEM THIAB QIAS NEEG, ZAIS CIA TSIS PUB LUAG PAUB THIAB POM...

Lub neej zoo li nov xwb yeej TSIS KAV NTEV kiag li...Vim yog thaum kawg YAM PHEM THIAB QIA NEEG NTAWD YEEJ YUAV TSHW TAWM TAU TUAJ RAU SAWV DAWS PAUB THIAB POM XWB THIAJ TAS...

Tej zaum hais txog...SUAV CONTROL SAB ECONOMY RAU COV TEB CHAWS ME ME SAB ASIA MAS KUJ YUAV MUAJ...Tab sis yog thaum SUAV yuav los CONTROL SAB MILITARY lawm no yuav muaj teeb meem...VIM SUAV YOG IB HAIV NEEG IB TXWM UA PHEM RAU LWM HAIV NEEG TXHUA LUB TEB CHAWS NYOB ZE NWS TOG VAJ TOG TSEV TXHEEJ DHAU TXHEEJ TIAM DHAU TIAM LOS LAWM...

Yog thaum SUAV tuaj muab cov teb chaws me me sab ASIA KHOO MILITARILY lawm yuav ua rau sab teb chaws ASIA TSIS STABLE...Thaum kawg yuav muaj TSOV RO.G tshwm sim rau sab ASIA ces yeej yuav muaj cov SUPER POWERS nyob sab WESTERN no los INTERFERE...Tej zaum yeej yuav muaj 3rd WW vim lawv yeej yuav muab SUAV txo DAG ZOG kom SUAV qhob SUPER POWER ntawd ploj mus...

Tej teeb meem zoo li nov mas peb twb pom tshwm sim nyob rau WW II uas cov WESTERN POWERS ua rau GERMANY, SPAIN, ITALY, thiab JAPAN lawm...

Vim yog thaum SUAV tuaj kav cov teb chaws me me sab Asia ces SUAV yeej yuav ABUSE sawv daws zoo li SUAV COV CIAV QHEV XWB...Thaum zoo li nov lawm sawv daws yeej yuav tawm tsam SUAV txawm SUAV yuav muaj FWJ CHIM SAB MILITARY NOV LOJ NPAUM TWG LOS YOG THAUM COV WESTERN SUPER POWERS LOS KOOM TES NROG COV TEB CHAWS ME ME SAB ASIA LAWM CES THAUM KAWG SUAV YEEJ YUAV RAU DEFEATED LI LAWM THIAB XWB...

Keeb kwm yeej qhia los lawm tias TSEEJ TIB LUB TEB CHAWS TWG YUAV MUAJ ZOG NPAUM TWG LOS XIJ PEEM THAUM KAWG YEEJ SWB RAU COV TEB CHAWS COOB UAS SIB KOOM TES NKAUS XWB...

Thxais tau yooj yim ntxiv hais tias...PHEM YEEJ SWB ZOO... li nov xwb...

Muaj ib qho ntxiv mas TOG WESTERN SUPER POWERS nov yeej xav kom muaj ib qhov EXCUSE LOJ kom txaus lawv PIB 3rd WW vim lawv yeej muaj PLAN YUAV REDUCE WORLD POPULATION lawm...Yog muaj 3rd WW tshwm sim es SUAV yog tus PIB ces SUAV COV POPULATION YUAV RAUG REDUCED MUS KOM TSAWG LI YUAV TSAWG TAU...

Yog muaj 3rd WW tshwm sim es yog sib zam tsi dhau ces NUCLEAR BOMBS yeej yuav tau muab SIV tawm mus xwb...Yog thaum zoo li nov lawm leej twg muaj pej xeem coob tshaj plaws thiab muaj nroog loj tshaj plaws ces yeej yuav raug HLAWV POV TSEG mus li lawm...Txhua lub teb chaws ua muaj NUKE BOMBS ces yeej raug kev piam sij tab sis SUAV yuav raug PIAM SIJ los tshaj txhua lub teb chaws...Thaum kawg SUAV yuav rov RAUG COV WESTERN SUPER POWERS NOV MUAB CONTROL TSIS PUB SUAV ROV MUAJ DUA FWJ CHIM LOJ TAU IB ZAUG NTXIV XWS NKAUS LIS...GERMANY and JAPAN...

Kuv tsuas tuaj tawm tswv yim ua chaw sib tham li nov xwb...

Cia peb mam ho ntsia mus ntxiv...LUB NTIAJ TEB NOV YEEJ TSIS MUAJ DAB TSIS YOG QHOV TSEEB LI...VIM TAG KIS YUAV MUAJ DAB TSI TSHWM SIM PEB TWB TSIS PAUB LI...!!!

Sib ntsib dua,

:1169690542:

Ua neeg, leej twg los xij, yog hais tias nws khav theeb heev lawd es saib tsis tau luag, yeej yuav muaj tug nrhiav txoj kev los txo nws lub hwj chim nws txoj kev lim hiam, txoj kev tsis ncaj ncees.

Kuv yeej xav hais tias yog muaj WW3, tej teb chaw muaj satellites zoom in on their targets tag lawm. Leej twg muaj nuke ces yuav siv nuke, tab sis, tej ntawd twb yog tej targets tag tib si. Tib yam li niaj hnub no, tej activities ntawm thaj chaw ntawd luag yeej monitor zoo txog hnub ua ces annihilation xwb. Ib qho nyuab zog rau Suav mas vim Western powers tsis yog nyob tib thaj av li Suav, Suav tua ib tug los tshuav ib tug. Neeg, yog muaj ntau tus koom ib tug tua xwb ces, tug ntseeb yuav yeej yuab.

Best, Qibsiab :onionheadfake8:

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Raws li kuv tau mus ncig tebchaws Nplog, thiab tau mus pom Suav kev ua lag luam, kev tsim kho kev tsheb

high way, kev ua liaj teb, thiab kev khawb qhov tooj qhov hlau nyob rau Sab qaum teb uas yog nyob npuab Suav av.

Txiv tsawb yog Suav tuaj cog txog ntau ntau pua laij.

Lub Zos Boten yog Suav tuaj ua Casino, Hotels, Shopping Center

Kev tshej high way yog Suav tuaj ua.

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.

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Raws li kuv tau mus ncig tebchaws Nplog, thiab tau mus pom Suav kev ua lag luam, kev tsim kho kev tsheb

high way, kev ua liaj teb, thiab kev khawb qhov tooj qhov hlau nyob rau Sab qaum teb uas yog nyob npuab Suav av.

Txiv tsawb yog Suav tuaj cog txog ntau ntau pua laij.

Lub Zos Boten yog Suav tuaj ua Casino, Hotels, Shopping Center

Kev tshej high way yog Suav tuaj ua.

China rule ces hmong rule thiab, tabsis hmoob yuav tsum mob siab txog txojkev ua lag ua luam.

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China's influence in US rising, says US expert

(Xinhua

LOS ANGELES - China's image has improved in recent years and its influence in the United States is rising, with more Americans viewing it favorably, says an American expert on China.

Clayton Dube, associate director of the US-China Institute at the University of Southern California, told Xinhua in an interview Friday that China had made efforts in recent years to improve its image abroad, and those efforts had been productive

He said China had made enormous efforts to demonstrate how far it had come in a very short period of time and at the same time those efforts had been tied to reminders of the country's rich cultural heritage.

He said Americans saw this at the Olympics held in Beijing, where the opening ceremony touched on Chinese history and the beauty and glory of the Tang Dynasty (618-907). Then, at the Shanghai World Expo, people saw many achievements made by the Chinese both in the past and at present, he said.

China's endeavors could not be measured immediately, but a US opinion poll showed Americans holding favorable views of China increased from 38 percent in 2009 to 41 percent in the spring of 2010, he said.

He said the increase was not big, but the poll was taken before the Shanghai World Expo, which, he believed, would have pushed the number higher.

"The Chinese economy is thriving. Its influence is enormous. (That) China's economy was the second in the world attracted a lot of headlines in 2010," he said.

"It's important to note that the 2008 Olympics and the 2010 World Expo were not just about telling the world about China. They were also intended to remind the Chinese people that China truly mattered and that the world respected and honored Chinese achievements," Dube said.

"In those terms, they were hugely successful," he said.

It was obvious, he said, that Americans appreciated Chinese culture in many aspects. Chinese restaurants were everywhere in US cities, no matter big or small. He said he once went to teach in a small town of 10,000 people in Kentucky and found three Chinese restaurants there.

That is important because ordinary Americans are paying money to consume Chinese food and products, and that symbolized American acceptance of Chinese culture, he said.

Dube said Chinese food had become so increasingly popular in the United States that books devoted to Chinese cooking were sold in almost all mainstream bookstores.

He said there was no question that there was a curiosity about China everywhere. For example, chambers of commerce in many US cities had sent delegations to China and had invited experts to tell them more about China.

Not only college students were enthusiastic about learning the Chinese language and things about China. Elementary and secondary schools also had an enormous interest in learning about China.

Dube said he was once invited by a school in Oklahoma to teach students and teachers about China, which showed the enthusiasm was not restricted to big cities.

Dube said he even received a note Thursday from one of the teachers he trained some years ago, which said he was very proud because his school was now offering Chinese lessons.

He said newspapers here no longer put the opening of a new Chinese restaurant in the city as headline news but people in the country could sense the change and that showed "the long-term, sustained attention to China from the American public is increasing."

On the Chinese factor in Hollywood movies, Dube said there was almost nothing Chinese in American films before the 1980s. In the 1980s, foreign film makers began to make films in China or had topics related to China and ethnic Chinese actors began to get roles in American movies. Now, he said, he had seen some readiness by the American film industry to embrace the Chinese legend and Chinese culture.

Dube cited the Hollywood movie Mulan as an example that curiosity about China among the American public was strong and increasing. Mulan tells the story of a legendary heroine from Chinese folkore, who secretly joined an all-male army in place of her aging father, and emerged as a great general at the end of the war.

In the interview, Dube said some politicians criticized China, but there were no systematic efforts to stop Chinese culture from coming into the United States and stop cultural exchanges between the two countries

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China Influence In Europe

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Australian economy boosted by China's influence

Advertisement16 January 2012 Last updated at 19:12 ET Help China's resource appetite has helped Australia weather much of the global economic storm.

Demand for commodities like iron ore, coal and copper from China have buoyed Australia's economy at a time when many developed economies are suffering a recession.

But it is not just the commodities sector that China is influencing.

With China's increased wealth, many nationals are now travelling to Australia for their holidays, outnumbering visitors from Europe.

Duncan Kennedy reports on the rising economic influence of China in Australia.

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China's influence on Canada's energy sector

This week on The House, Evan Solomon speaks with economist Robyn Allen, and Natural Resources Minister Joe Oliver ahead of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's trip to China next week. The program begins with an interview on the future of Old Age Security with Human Resources and Development Skills Minister Diane Finley

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December 19, 2010 11:06 AM PrintText China's Growing Influence on Pakistan Worries U.S.

By Farhan Bokhari Topics Afghanistan ,Pakistan ,World Watch ,China ,Al Qaeda .22 Comments

A Pakistani man waves Pakistani and Chinese national flags on a street of Karachi on December 19, 2010. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao vowed to boost strategic cooperation with Pakistan as he wrapped up a three-day visit to Islamabad that concluded deals worth around 35 billion dollars.

(Credit: Asif Hassan/AFP/Getty Images) ISLAMABAD, Dec. 19, 2010

China's premier Wen Jiabao concluded a high profile visit to Pakistan on Sunday, promising to lay the foundation for a "deeper" relationship to a country which is central to U.S. efforts for stabilizing Afghanistan.

Wen sought to broaden a relationship which has traditionally been driven by Beijing's role as a key supplier of military hardware to Islamabad. Pakistan's government officials said that during Wen's visit, China signed business deals between the governments and private businesses of the two countries worth at least $29 billion, with a possibility of another $6 billion worth of contracts. These contracts were the largest ever signed during a visit by a foreign leader to Pakistan, underlining the growing importance of the country to China.

The Chinese premier also used a speech to a joint session of Pakistan's upper and lower houses of parliament to commend the country for its efforts against terrorism. It was an apparent effort to negate criticism from the western world, including the U.S., which has urged Islamabad to take further steps against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban.

"Pakistan has given great sacrifices and made great efforts in the fight against terrorism. It is a reality and the international community should respect Pakistan's efforts," Wen said.

While the U.S. has poured billions of dollars into Pakistan to assist in combating terrorist groups, Pakistan's military and civilian leaders remain committed to retaining a close alliance with China. "Let's stand together, with a new confidence, and begin a new era of progress and prosperity, by jointly confronting all challenges," Wen said in his speech on Sunday. To the applause of Pakistan's ruling and opposition politicians, the Chinese continued that "China and Pakistan are all-weather strategic partners and share the sorrows and joys of each other as close brothers."

A senior Pakistani official told CBS News that the deals signed during Wen's visit included contracts for the development of a road and train network linking the two countries, for mineral resources, for gas and oil fields and for facilities to produce electronics.

"China is beginning to launch an important new phase to help Pakistan transform itself economically," said the official, who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to talk to journalists. "Unlike our western friends such as the U.S., China remains a true friend of Pakistan," he added.

Western diplomats in Islamabad who spoke to CBS News, also on condition of anonymity, said Pakistan's relations with China remain of concern to Washington in some areas, notably China's continued support for Pakistan's nuclear energy program and signs that China is stepping up its supply of conventional military hardware to Pakistan.

In the past decade, the two countries have jointly developed their first fighter plane for the Pakistan Air Force (PAF), known as the JF-17, or "Thunder." The PAF plans to buy[quote] up to 250 of the JF-17s, making it the largest-ever purchase by the PAF of a single type of aircraft. On the other hand, Pakistani leaders frequently speak of the trust factor in their country's relations with China, an oblique reference to the lack thereof in the country's ties with the U.S.

In the 1990s, the U.S. sanctioned Pakistan on suspicions that the country was preparing to produce nuclear weapons, which reversed the two sides' close cooperation when they confronted the occupation of Afghanistan by the former Soviet Union. While those sanctions were lifted after 9/11, which prompted a new partnership against terrorism, many Pakistanis remain skeptical of ties to the U.S. But a Pakistani foreign ministry official who spoke to CBS News said a growing economic relationship with China "will not come at the expense of our relations with the U.S. We want to establish and maintain a close partnership with the U.S. Our relations with China must never be seen as a replacement for our relations with the U.S."

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China’s Economic Growth Considered Positive

• China Seen More Favorably Than US, Russia •

A new BBC World Service Poll of 22 countries finds that China is viewed as playing a significantly more positive role in the world than either the US or Russia, a role more on par with Britain. Asked about possible future trends, most are positive about China significantly increasing its economic power in the world but most are negative about China significantly increasing its military power.

The poll of 22,953 people was conducted for the BBC World Service by the international polling firm GlobeScan together with the Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA) at the University of Maryland. The 22-nation fieldwork was coordinated by GlobeScan and completed during December 2004 in most countries.

The survey shows that China is viewed as having a mainly positive influence in the world by a majority or plurality of citizens in 14 countries. On average across all countries polled (excluding China itself), almost half (48%) see China’s influence as positive and just 30 percent see it as negative, with another 22 percent being noncommittal. In only three countries does a plurality view Chinese influence as negative—Germany (47%), US (46%), and Poland (33%). In no country did a majority of the public have a negative view of China. Boding well for China’s future, young people (18-29) worldwide are much more prone to view China positively (58% on average).

Particularly striking is that even in neighboring Asian countries that have historically shown substantial suspicion of China, views are relatively benign. Most notable is India where 66 percent view China positively, despite decades of tensions and a history of border clashes. Positive views are also found in the Philippines (70%), Indonesia (68%), and Australia (56%). However South Korea is divided (49% positive, 47% negative). In Japan few say China is having a negative influence (22%), but also few say it is having a positive influence (25%), while 53 percent do not take a position one way or the other.

Though there has been much focus on the competitive threat from China’s enormous potential, China’s growing economic power is seen as positive in most countries. Asked if they think it would be positive or negative if China were to become “significantly more powerful economically than it is today,” in sixteen countries a majority (11 countries) or a plurality (5 countries) see it as positive. Strikingly, this positive view is found in some countries, such as Mexico (54%), whose manufacturing sectors face significant competition with China. On average 49 percent view it as positive and 33 percent as negative. In only four countries do a plurality see it as negative—Italy (47%), Spain (47%), Turkey (42%), and Argentina (41%). Views are evenly divided in two countries—the US and Germany.

Economic power aside, most citizens around the world do not want to see Chinese military power grow. Asked how they would feel if “China becomes significantly more powerful militarily than it is today,” in seventeen countries more said that it would be negative. On average, 59 percent said it would be negative and just 24 percent positive.

The countries most concerned about the potential growth of Chinese military power are Germany (87%), Australia (79%), Japan (78%), Spain (76%), the US (75%), and Italy (74%). Interestingly, the one country in which a majority viewed increased Chinese military power positively was China’s neighbor India (56%). The Lebanese also leaned positively (44% to 27%). South Africans and Filipinos were evenly divided.

Most citizens in the EU nations polled have a negative view of increasing Chinese military power (Germany 87% “negative,” Spain 74%, Italy 74%, Britain 65%, Poland 65%, France 64%). This is an interesting finding, given that the European Union is currently considering lifting its post-Tiananmen Square embargo on the sale[quote] of arms and arms technology to China.

China is viewed much more positively than two other major powers, the US and Russia, which are viewed quite negatively. Russia is viewed as having a negative influence in the world by citizens of fourteen countries and a positive influence in just five, with an average across all countries of 36 percent viewing it positively and 40 percent negatively. The US is also viewed negatively in fifteen countries and positively in just six, with an average of 38 percent viewing it positively and 47 percent negatively. Indeed, China is viewed nearly as positively as Britain by citizens polled worldwide—on average 50 percent view Britain as having a positive influence as compared to 48 percent for China.

Steven Kull, director of PIPA comments, “It is quite remarkable that with its growing economic power China is viewed as so benign, especially by its Asian neighbors that it could threaten or seek to dominate. However, this cordial view from around the world does appear to depend on China restraining itself from seeking to convert its burgeoning economic power into a threatening military presence.”

Doug Miller, President of GlobeScan comments, “China clearly has the respect of the world because of its exceptional economic achievements, and most people seem to hope for its continued economic success. However, with military approaches generally unsupported in today’s world, citizens worldwide are hoping China will pursue a soft power route to world influence."

Regional and Demographic Variations

While, as mentioned, large majorities in some key Asian countries view China’s current influence as positive—India (66%), Indonesia (68%), the Philippines (70%)—others were more mixed. South Koreans are divided (49% positive, 47% negative), as are the Japanese (22% positive, 25% negative, 53% undecided), while a majority of Australians (56% to 28%) viewed China positively.

Europeans show more mixed feelings. Positive views are expressed by pluralities in France (49%), Britain (46%), and Russia (42%), while pluralities show negative views in Germany (47%) and Poland (33%). Divided views are expressed in Italy, Spain, and Turkey.

North Americans are also mixed. A plurality of Americans express negative views of China’s influence (46%), while more Canadians express positive views (49%). Mexicans are divided (33% positive, 28% negative, and 40% undecided).

Latin Americans show fairly positive feelings. Majorities in Chile (56%) and Brazil (53%) have positive views, while a plurality of Argentines (44%) do so as well.

In the one Arab country polled—Lebanon—a very large majority was positive (74%), as was a large majority (62%) in the one African country polled—South Africa.

Worldwide, young people are much more prone to view China as benign. Among those 18-29 years old, a robust 58 percent view China positively, while this true of only 43 percent of those over 60.

Those with lower levels of education are less apt to view China positively (45%) than are those with medium (51%) or high levels of education (52%). Interestingly, men are more trusting of China (53%) than are women (47%).

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22-Nation Poll Shows China Viewed Positively by Most Countries Including Its Asian Neighbors

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Cov niag Suav Tuag Tshaib ntawv pej xeem coob dhau lawm, lawv nrhiav tsis tau noj lawm es lawv yuav phov siav kom tuag ib nrab tag mas thiaj li nyob taus xwb os.

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Kuv pom mus li Nujtxeeg lawd thiab.

Qhov Suav muaj zog heev no mas nws muaj ntau yam rau Suav tam sim no:

a. Central gov. yog tus control tag nrog ib puas tsav yam kev lagluav, ces qhov act thiab refrain no yoojyim dua.

b. Muaj labor force ntau heev....muab txhais tau tias nyob Meskas teb no tsis muaj neeg kam ua haujlwm minimum wage $20-30 / hnub tabsis nyob suav teb mas twb yog ntau lawm. Qhov no yog qhov ua rau cov Westerns tebchaws ua tsis tau.

Tabsis raws li kev tshawbfawb qhia hais tias xyoo 2030 no Suav yuav tsis muaj labor force lawm vim lawv txoj kev txwv tsis pub neeg pejxeem yug menyuam coob tshaj 1 leeg...thiab nws lub tebchaws yuav "cap" rau fab economy lawm thiab.

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ເຂດເສຖກິດພິເສດ ຂອງຈີນ ກາຊິໂນ ບໍເຕັນ

Suav lub chaw twv txiaj nyob Bo ten xeev Luam Nabthas raug nomtswv Nplog muab kaw lawm.

Nag hmo 3/21/2012 nomtswv Nplog tau muab Suav lub chaw twv txiaj nyob Bo ten kaw lawm. Vim lub chaw no muaj neeg laib coob yuav ua

tau teeb meem rau thaj chaw no. Lub chaw no Sauv tuaj tsim tau vaj tsev zoo kawg li. Xovxwm tau hais tawm hais tias tom qab muab kaw

lawm, lawv yuav muab qhov chaw no ua ib qhov chaw rau neeg tuaj ncig ua si, vim muaj hav zoo, thiab toj roob hauv pes zoo ua si.

Lub zos Bo ten yog ib lub chaw ua ntsev [qhov ntsev] uas cov pejxeem Nplog uas nyob lub zos no tau ua ntsev muag los tau ntau pua xyoo

los lawm. Tab sis raug nomtswv Nplog muab lawv ncaws tawm lawv lub zos uas lawv nyob los tau ntau tiam neej. Thiab muab lawv tshem

mus nyob li 10 miles rau sab nrad, es lawv mam mus thauj cov dej ntsev pem Bo ten los nyoj, lim ua ntsev muag lawm xwb.

Leeg twg mus pom lub zos Bo ten Golden Casino yog ib lub zos Suav, thiab yog tsis raug muab kaw yeej yuav dhau mus ua av

Suav, thiab dhau mus ua tebchaws Suav yam tshem tsis tau. Nplog cov nom qe muag nti muab daim av Nplog muag rau Suav. Nyob rau hauv Bo ten

muaj tsev txais qhua yam zoo tshaj, muaj tsev niam ntiav, tsev zuaj ib ce, muaj tsev kho mob, muaj tsev lag luam txhij txhua. tab sis

txhua yam yog Suav kav thiaj tswj, thiab cov neeg ua hauj lwm yog Suav tag nrho, tsis ntiav ib tug neeg Nplog mus ua hlo li, Suav tuaj

nkag rau Bo ten dawb, tsis raug them nqe nkag tebchaws, Suav siv lus Suav, thiab txhua yam paib yog sau ua lus Suav tag nrho huv si.

Thaum kuv mus pom xwb kuv yeej paub meej hais tias Suav saib Neeg Nplog qe npaum cas lawm.

Thaum pejxeem Nplog ras txog txoj kev lawv yuav tau poob lawv lub tebchaws rau Suav lawm. Thiaj tau muaj xwm txheej yuav tshum sim rau

Suav lub Casino Bo Ten. Thaum kawg nomtswv Nplog thiaj yuav tsum muab Bo Ten kaw mus.

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When China Rules the World

China The civilisation state

By Martin Jacques

Reviewed by John Gray - 18 June 2009

It is clear that the rise of China marks the end of western global hegemony, but just what the coming Chinese ascendency will look like is another matter.

On his first visit to China as US treasury secretary, at the start of this month, Timothy Geithner attempted to reassure an audience at Peking University that there is no need to worry about the enormous holdings China has built up in US government bonds. “Chinese assets are very safe,” he declared. Geithner’s statement produced loud laughter from the largely student audience.

Unlike most western commentators, who still give the Obama administration the benefit of the doubt, China’s emerging elite know there is no prospect that the United States will pay back its debts at anything like their current value. The only way the US can repay its vast borrowings is by debasing the dollar – a process in which China will inevitably be short-changed. Significantly, the students’ response was not anger, but derision – a clear sign of how the US is now perceived. Resentment at US power is being replaced by contempt, as the impotence and self-deception of the American political class in the face of the country’s problems become increasingly evident.

In a characteristically incisive formulation, Martin Jacques writes that the “rise of China and the decline of the United States are central to the present global depression”. Although China remains a fast-emerging, rather than a developed, economy and even though it is nowhere near acquiring America’s worldwide military reach, the crisis has speeded up a shift in the balance of power between the two countries that has been taking place for decades. The importance of China’s advance goes far beyond the incontrovertible fact of America’s relative decline, however. If Jacques is right, the rise of China will bring the end of the western world as we have known it over the past several hundred years.

Western commentators on China fall into two main camps. The first, which we may called the China sceptics, rejects out of hand the notion that China can ever become the world’s dominant power. The second – which is increasingly vocal and influential, especially in the US – sees the rise of China as a major threat to the existing, western-dominated global system. Though the two views are not finally compatible, they can quite often be found in the same person. The awkward fact with which both of them strugg[quote]le is that China’s industrialisation – the largest in history – has been achieved indigenously. China’s success is widely praised by western governments, but it has been based on a rejection of western advice.

Like climate-change sceptics, China sceptics tend simply to ignore evidence that does not fit their world-view. Even if they accept that China’s success over the past 30 years has been achieved by following a distinctive path, they can only insist that China will be compelled to westernise at some point in the future – overlooking how it is western neoliberalism, and not Chinese capitalism, that has collapsed. Or else, they must admit that China can go on developing, and even overtake the west, while remaining as different from the west as it has ever been. This last is a terrifying scenario, as it implies that if a country westernises, that does not ensure its economic success – if anything, it may be an impediment. In other words, China may be so successful because it is so different from the west. At this point, the first view of China morphs into the second and we start to hear hysterical warnings of the threat posed by China’s inexorable rise. Inside every China sceptic is a prophet of the New Yellow Peril waiting to be let out.

The common conviction of nearly all these commentators is that no country can modernise without following a western path. The message of When China Rules the World – by far the best book on China to have been published in many years, and one of the most important inquiries into the nature of modernisation – is that this assumption blinds us to the way the world is being reshaped before our eyes. Jacques’s comprehensive and richly detailed analysis will be an indispensable resource for anyone who wants to understand contemporary China; but its primary value is in overturning the assumption – almost universal in the west, and held by some in China – that, as a country develops, it is bound to evolve into something like a western state. As Jacques points out, China “may seem like a nation state, but its geological formation is that of a civilisation state”. When China was weak it had little alternative but to accept western terms of reference. As it grows richer and stronger, China is more and more affirming the inherent value, if not the actual superiority, of its ancient civilisation. Far from turning its back on its history, the country is returning to the past in order to forge a new version of modernity.

“The emergence of China as a global power,” Jacques writes, “in effect relativises everything.” The author is not endorsing any kind of fashionable postmodernism here. He is clear that there are universal human values. His argument is rather that there are many ways of recognising universal values in a modern society. All the same, the version of modernity which appears to be emerging in China does come with some rather dark spots. The deep sense of China as a unitary civilisation, together with a pervasive belief in Han superiority, leaves little tolerance for the claims of other cultural groups.

Some way may be found, the author sugg[quote]ests, whereby the Tibetans can coexist with the Chinese state. But, as he admits, the dominant sense of Chinese identity is essentially racial, and most Chinese look down on Tibetans with loathing. In line with this, and also for strategic reasons, “China has encouraged large-scale Han migration in an effort to alter the ethnic balance of the population and thereby weaken the position of the Tibetans who for the most part live in the rural areas and in segregated urban ghettos.” It is hard to avoid the conclusion that, in building the Chinese civilisation state, Beijing is systematically destroying a unique civilisation.

A resurgent China will be problematical in a number of ways. It remains very unclear how China’s rulers view the international system. Will they try to reshape it in their own image, and if so what will the world then look like? Jacques argues that something like the tributary system that existed in the past can be re-created, but that system applied mainly to China’s nearer and smaller neighbours. It is impossible to envisage such an unequal relationship being acceptable to India or Russia or, for that matter, Japan. Again, can China extend its control of world markets while retaining its grip on its own economy? Control of capital flows has been one of China’s strengths in the current crisis. Will it be ready to compromise this advantage in order to supplant the failing dollar as the world’s reserve currency?

There are no clear answers, if only because China’s ruling elite have almost certainly not begun to answer these questions themselves. What is undeniable is that China’s ascendancy is bringing with it an international environment potentially more volatile than any in the recent past. So far, says Jacques, “The changes wrought by China’s rise have done little to disturb the calm of global waters, yet their speed and enormity sugg[quote]est that we have entered an era of profound instability; by way of contrast, the Cold War was characterised by relative predictability combined with exceptional stability.”

The witless, end-of-history triumphalism that shaped western attitudes in the post-Cold War era is nowhere more misplaced than in regard to China. History is on the move again – and it is not the delusional, teleological, self-congratulating history dreamt up by liberal rationalists, which somehow always ends with themselves as the winners. The rise of China is the real thing, a world-changing event that marks the end of western hegemony.

John Gray’s latest book is “Gray’s Anatomy: Selected Writings” (Allen Lane)

Suav yuav tsis tau kav ntiajteb vim:

1.Suav siab tis muaj kev pab li cov ntawv dawb, espcially li Mekas

2.Suav cov lus nyuab heev , neeg ntiajteb tsis siv, English yog cov influence rau ntiajteb

3.Economy, tej zaum yuav yog thiab, vim cheap[quote] labor

4.Txhua yam info. yog lus Askiv xwb.

5. Military allies Suav tsis muaj.

Jeeb,

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ເຂດເສຖກິດພິເສດ ຂອງຈີນ ກາຊິໂນ ບໍເຕັນ

Suav lub chaw twv txiaj nyob Bo ten xeev Luam Nabthas raug nomtswv Nplog muab kaw lawm.

Nag hmo 3/21/2012 nomtswv Nplog tau muab Suav lub chaw twv txiaj nyob Bo ten kaw lawm. Vim lub chaw no muaj neeg laib coob yuav ua

tau teeb meem rau thaj chaw no. Lub chaw no Sauv tuaj tsim tau vaj tsev zoo kawg li. Xovxwm tau hais tawm hais tias tom qab muab kaw

lawm, lawv yuav muab qhov chaw no ua ib qhov chaw rau neeg tuaj ncig ua si, vim muaj hav zoo, thiab toj roob hauv pes zoo ua si.

Lub zos Bo ten yog ib lub chaw ua ntsev [qhov ntsev] uas cov pejxeem Nplog uas nyob lub zos no tau ua ntsev muag los tau ntau pua xyoo

los lawm. Tab sis raug nomtswv Nplog muab lawv ncaws tawm lawv lub zos uas lawv nyob los tau ntau tiam neej. Thiab muab lawv tshem

mus nyob li 10 miles rau sab nrad, es lawv mam mus thauj cov dej ntsev pem Bo ten los nyoj, lim ua ntsev muag lawm xwb.

Leeg twg mus pom lub zos Bo ten Golden Casino yog ib lub zos Suav, thiab yog tsis raug muab kaw yeej yuav dhau mus ua av

Suav, thiab dhau mus ua tebchaws Suav yam tshem tsis tau. Nplog cov nom qe muag nti muab daim av Nplog muag rau Suav. Nyob rau hauv Bo ten

muaj tsev txais qhua yam zoo tshaj, muaj tsev niam ntiav, tsev zuaj ib ce, muaj tsev kho mob, muaj tsev lag luam txhij txhua. tab sis

txhua yam yog Suav kav thiaj tswj, thiab cov neeg ua hauj lwm yog Suav tag nrho, tsis ntiav ib tug neeg Nplog mus ua hlo li, Suav tuaj

nkag rau Bo ten dawb, tsis raug them nqe nkag tebchaws, Suav siv lus Suav, thiab txhua yam paib yog sau ua lus Suav tag nrho huv si.

Thaum kuv mus pom xwb kuv yeej paub meej hais tias Suav saib Neeg Nplog qe npaum cas lawm.

Thaum pejxeem Nplog ras txog txoj kev lawv yuav tau poob lawv lub tebchaws rau Suav lawm. Thiaj tau muaj xwm txheej yuav tshum sim rau

Suav lub Casino Bo Ten. Thaum kawg nomtswv Nplog thiaj yuav tsum muab Bo Ten kaw mus.

Samx,

Zoo heev lawv , kuv xav kom Blog paub thim xav mentsis thiab. Hauv Vietiane kiag los Suav lub Mall loj heev thiab muag khoom pheejyig heev. Suav tuaj nyob coob heev li.

Hais txog ntawm Bo Ten mas kuv kuj hnov hnov lawm thiab, vim cov Suav yuav ua Laib nyob suav teb tsis tau li siab xav. Thiaj xav tias Blog aw.b aw.b li ces cia cov nom Mav-fia tuaj ua rau Blog teb , ntshe Blog yuav ua tsis tau dabtsis li.

Thiab kuv xav tias, cov Suav no Blaum zog lawm thiab xwb. yog cov nom tswv Blog tau meme ntxig hniav no nyaj yuav kav ntev zog thiab. Koj puas xav li?

Jeeb

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Ceevfaj: 1) Vim licas Suav thiaj pib qhuas Hmoob? 2) Tsam cov tawv dawb treat Hmoob li cov Japanese thaum ua rogg Purl Habor!

:1169689416:

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China the New Superpower

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The Origin of Civilization of China

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ຟີລິບປິນວ່າ ຈີນເຮັດໃຫ້ ການປະເຊີນໜ້າ ຢູ່ທະເລຈີນໃຕ້ ຮ້າຍແຮງຂຶ້ນ

ລາຍງານໂດຍ ສິງ ບູຣົມມະວົງ | ທີ່ກຸງວໍຊິງຕັນ

South-China-Sea-Chinese-simplified

ແຜນທີ່ທະເລຈີນໃຕ້. ວັນທີ 23 ພຶດສະພາ 2012

ຟີ​ລິບ​ປິນກ່າວ​ຫາ​ຈີນ​ວ່າ ກໍາລັງ​ສົ່ງ​ພວກ​ກໍາ​ປັ່ນ​ລັດຖະບານ​ແລະ​ເຮືອປະມົງ​ໃນ​ຈໍານວນ

​ຫຼາຍ​ຂຶ້ນ​ ໄປ​ຍັງ​ໝູ່​ເກາະ​​​ທີ່​ເປັນ​ບັນຫາໂຕ້​ແຍ່ງກັນ​ໃນ​ທະ​ເລ​ຈີນ​ໃຕ້ໃນ​ການ​ ເຄື່ອນ​ໄຫວ​ທີ່

​ກຸງ​ມາ​ນີລາກ່າວວ່າ ກໍາລັງ​​ເຮັດ​ໃຫ້ການ​ປະ​ເຊີນ​ໜ້າ​ກັນ​ມາ​ເປັນ​ເວລາ 2 ​ເດືອນ​ແລ້ວນັ້ນ

ເພີ່ມ ​ທະວີຄວາມ​ຮ້າຍ​ແຮງ​ຂຶ້ນ.

ທ່ານ Raul Hernandez ​ໂຄສົກ​ປະ​ຈໍາ​ກະຊວງ​ການ​ຕ່າງປະ​ເທດຟີ​ລິບ​ປິນກ່າວ​ໃນ​

ວັນ​ພຸດ​ມື້​ນີ້​ ວ່າ ມີ​ເຮືອ​ຈີນ​ເກືອບ 100 ລໍາ​ຢູ່​ໃນ​ເຂດ​ໝູ່​ເກາະ Scarborough. ໂຄສົກ

ກ່າວ ​ຕໍ່​ໄປ​ວ່າ ​ມີການສັງ​ເກດ​ເຫັນ​ວ່າ ພວກ​ເຮືອບາງ​ລໍາ​ກໍາລັງ​ທໍາ​ການ​ຫາ​ປາ​ເຖິງ​ແມ່ນ​

ທັງ​ສອງ​ປະເທດ​ໄດ້​ ປະກາດ​​ຫວ່າງ​ໄວໆ​ມາ​ນີ້ ຫ້າມ​ທໍາ​ການ​ຫາ​ປາ​ໃນ​ຂົງ​ເຂດດັ່ງກ່າວ

​ນັ້ນ​ ກໍ​ຕາມ.

ທ່ານ Hernandez ຮຽກຮ້ອງ​ໃຫ້​ຈີນ​ຖອນ​ເຮືອ​ເຫຼົ່າ​ນີ້​ ອອກ​​ໄປຈາກຂົງ​ເຂດ​ດັ່ງກ່າວ​

ໃນ​ທັນທີ ​ໂດຍ​ກ່າວ​ວ່າ ກຸງ​ມາ​ນີລາໄດ້​ທໍາ​ການ​ປະ​ທ້ວງ​ຢ່າງ​ເປັນ​ທາງ​ການ​ກັບ​ສະຖານ

ທູດ​ຈີນ​ ແລ້ວ​ ກ່ຽວ​ກັບ​ການ​ເພີ່ມທະວີ​ການ​ເຄື່ອນ​ໄຫວ​ທີ່​ວ່າ​ນີ້ ແລະ​ກ່າວ​ຕື່ມ​ວ່າ​ເວລາ​ນີ້

ກໍາລັງ​ມີ​ການ​ໂອ້​ລົມ​ສົນທະນາ​ກັນ ​ເພື່ອ​ແກ້​ໄຂ​ບັນຫາ​ຂັດ​ແຍ່ງ​ກັນ​ນີ້.

ທັງ​ຈີນ​ແລະ​ຟີ​ລິບ​ປິນຕ່າງ​ຝ່າຍ​ຕ່າງ​​ກໍ​ໄດ້ ອອກ​ຂໍ້​ຫ້າມ​ທໍາ​ການ​ຫາ​ປາ​ຢູ່​ໃນເຂດ​ດັ່ງກ່າວ

​ເມື່ອ​ນຶ່ງ​ສັບປະດາ​ ຜ່ານ​ມາ ​ໃນ​ຄວາມ​ພະຍາຍາມ​ເພື່ອຜ່ອນຄາຍ​ຄວາມ​ເຄ່ງ​ຕຶງ​ລົງ​ກ່ຽວ

​ກັບ​ໝູ່ ​ເກາະ​ດັ່ງກ່າວ ຊຶ່ງ​ທັງ​ສອງ​ປະ​ເທດ​ຕ່າງກໍ​ອ້າງ​ວ່າເປັນ​ດິນ​ແດນ​ໃນອະທິປະໄຕ​

ຂອງ​ຕົນ​ ນັ້ນ.

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